With wrenching tragedies only a few miles away, and still
worse catastrophes perhaps not far removed, it may seem
wrong, perhaps even cruel, to shift attention to other
prospects that, although abstract and uncertain, might offer
a path to a better world - and not in the remote future.
I’ve
visited Lebanon several times and witnessed moments of great
hope, and of despair, that were tinged with the Lebanese
people’s remarkable determination to overcome and to move
forward.
The
first time I visited - if that’s the right word - was
exactly 60 years ago, almost to the day. My wife and I were
hiking in Israel’s northern Galilee one evening, when a jeep
drove by on a road near us and someone called out that we
should turn back: We were in the wrong country. We had
inadvertently crossed the border, then unmarked - now, I
suppose, bristling with armaments.
A
minor event, but it forcefully brought home a lesson: The
legitimacy of borders - of states, for that matter - is at
best conditional and temporary.
Almost
all borders have been imposed and maintained by violence,
and are quite arbitrary. The Lebanon-Israel border was
established a century ago by the Sykes-Picot Agreement,
dividing up the former Ottoman Empire in the interests of
British and French imperial power, with no concern for the
people who happened to live there, or even for the terrain.
The border makes no sense, which is why it was so easy to
cross unwittingly.
Surveying the terrible conflicts in the world, it’s clear
that almost all are the residue of imperial crimes and the
borders that the great powers drew in their own interests.
Pashtuns, for example, have never accepted the legitimacy of
the Durand Line, drawn by Britain to separate Pakistan from
Afghanistan; nor has any Afghan government ever accepted it.
It is in the interests of today’s imperial powers that
Pashtuns crossing the Durand Line are labeled “terrorists”
so that their homes may be subjected to murderous attack by
U.S. drones and special operations forces.
Few
borders in the world are so heavily guarded by sophisticated
technology, and so subject to impassioned rhetoric, as the
one that separates Mexico from the United States, two
countries with amicable diplomatic relations.
That
border was established by U.S. aggression during the 19th
century. But it was kept fairly open until 1994, when
President Bill Clinton initiated Operation Gatekeeper,
militarizing it.
Before
then, people had regularly crossed it to see relatives and
friends. It’s likely that Operation Gatekeeper was motivated
by another event that year: the imposition of the North
American Free Trade Agreement, which is a misnomer because
of the words “free trade.”
Doubtless the Clinton administration understood that Mexican
farmers, however efficient they might be, couldn’t compete
with highly subsidized U.S. agribusiness, and that Mexican
businesses couldn’t compete with U.S. multinationals, which
under NAFTA rules must receive special privileges like
“national treatment” in Mexico. Such measures would almost
inevitably lead to a flood of immigrants across the border.
Some
borders are eroding along with the cruel hatreds and
conflicts they symbolize and inspire. The most dramatic case
is Europe. For centuries, Europe was the most savage region
in the world, torn by hideous and destructive wars. Europe
developed the technology and the culture of war that enabled
it to conquer the world. After a final burst of
indescribable savagery, the mutual destruction ceased at the
end of World War II.
Scholars attribute that outcome to the thesis of democratic
peace - that one democracy hesitates to war against another.
But Europeans may also have understood that they had
developed such capacities for destruction that the next time
they played their favorite game, it would be the last.
The
closer integration that has developed since then is not
without serious problems, but it is a vast improvement over
what came before.
A
similar outcome would hardly be unprecedented for the Middle
East, which until recently was essentially borderless. And
the borders are eroding, though in awful ways.
Syria’s seemingly inexorable plunge to suicide is tearing
the country apart. Veteran Middle East correspondent Patrick
Cockburn, now working for The Independent, predicts that the
conflagration and its regional impact may lead to the end of
the Sykes-Picot regime.
The
Syrian civil war has reignited the Sunni-Shiite conflict
that was one of the most terrible consequences of the U.S.-U.K.
invasion of Iraq 10 years ago.
The
Kurdish regions of Iraq and now Syria are moving toward
autonomy and linkages. Many analysts now predict that a
Kurdish state may be established before a Palestinian state
is.
If
Palestine ever gains independence in something like the
terms of the overwhelming international consensus, its
borders with Israel will likely erode through normal
commercial and cultural interchange, as has happened in the
past during periods of relative calm.
That
development could be a step toward closer regional
integration, and perhaps the slow disappearance of the
artificial border dividing the Galilee between Israel and
Lebanon, so that hikers and others could pass freely where
my wife and I crossed 60 years ago.
Such a
development seems to me to offer the only realistic hope for
some resolution of the plight of Palestinian refugees, now
only one of the refugee disasters tormenting the region
since the invasion of Iraq and Syria’s descent into hell.
The
blurring of borders and these challenges to the legitimacy
of states bring to the fore serious questions about who owns
the Earth. Who owns the global atmosphere being polluted by
the heat-trapping gases that have just passed an especially
perilous threshold, as we learned in May?
Or to
adopt the phrase used by indigenous people throughout much
of the world, Who will defend the Earth? Who will uphold the
rights of nature? Who will adopt the role of steward of the
commons, our collective possession?
That
the Earth now desperately needs defense from impending
environmental catastrophe is surely obvious to any rational
and literate person. The different reactions to the crisis
are a most remarkable feature of current history.
At the
forefront of the defense of nature are those often called
“primitive”: members of indigenous and tribal groups, like
the First Nations in Canada or the Aborigines in Australia -
the remnants of peoples who have survived the imperial
onslaught. At the forefront of the assault on nature are
those who call themselves the most advanced and civilized:
the richest and most powerful nations.
The
struggle to defend the commons takes many forms. In
microcosm, it is taking place right now in Turkey’s Taksim
Square, where brave men and women are protecting one of the
last remnants of the commons of Istanbul from the wrecking
ball of commercialization and gentrification and autocratic
rule that is destroying this ancient treasure.
The
defenders of Taksim Square are at the forefront of a
worldwide struggle to preserve the global commons from the
ravages of that same wrecking ball - a struggle in which we
must all take part, with dedication and resolve, if there is
to be any hope for decent human survival in a world that has
no borders. It is our common possession, to defend or to
destroy.
©
2013 Noam Chomsky -- Distributed by The New York Times
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